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Mission Statement of the Council of Ghanaians

It is the mission of the Council of Ghanaians to promote and foster cooperation among the various clubs and all individuals of Ghanaian origin, especially on matters that require the broader involvement of all those of Ghanaian origin in the community. To this end, the Council shall seek to engage in the following types of activities:· The Council shall promote activities to foster camaraderie, cooperation and network among Ghanaians· In collaboration with individuals and the various clubs, the Council shall promote activities of common interest that bridge across the general community, e.g. Independence Day celebration, coordination of meetings with invited VIP guests from Ghana (or elsewhere) seeking to reach the broader Ghanaian community.· In times of loss of a Ghanaian or family members living in our area, the Council, if invited, shall work with the family of the deceased and concerned individuals, as requested.· The Council shall not engage in activities such as Christmas and New Year’s Eve parties normally organized by various Ghanaian clubs and that may tend to be in competition with activities of the various clubs, or individual family members.· The Council shall encourage and support various organizations to provide mentoring, including career development counseling.Administration:· Council administration shall be handled by a group of volunteers.· The Council shall meet two times a year or as deemed necessary. For information, please call any of the following:
Dr. Ago B. Ahene: (510) 429-1366
Mr. Atta Boakye-Yiadom: (510) 669-9214
Mr. Dela Acolatse (510) 440-9341
Mr. Jonathan Okorley: (925) 754-2401
Dr. Joseph Adwere-Boamah: (510) 524.8053
Mr. Kofi Baah-Arhin: (510) 669-0910
Mr. Kojo Nketiah: (510) 262-9084
Mr. Kwadwo Poku (925) 778-0411
Mr. Kwadwo Adutwum (510) 895-2038
Mr. Kwaku Danso (510) 494-8300
Mr. Kwaku Ohemeng (650) 359-5234
Mr. Nana Addo-Bediako (209) 830-6425
Mr. Nana Boakye Danquah (510) 352-3562
Mr. Nii Oblie Ardayfio (510) 384-9532
Rev Noah Ampofo (510) 290-6831
Pastor Takyi Dwumfuoh: (510) 595-7630.
Mr. Yaw A Owusu: (510) 471-6993

Ghana Reflects Progress Led by Africans

Ghana reflects progress led by Africans
Story Highlights
* Africa rivals the Middle East in the quantity of oil sent to the United States.
* Newspaper editorials, revamped African Union reflect rethinking of Africa by Africans
* Real estate prices in Accra, Ghana, rival those of an average U.S. city
* World Bank praised Ghana as one of the leading business reformers in the world

ACCRA, Ghana (AP) -- Coby Asmah is a success in a part of the world that is hardly ever equated with success.
The design and printing business he launched from his dining room table 14 years ago now employs 54 people. He drives a new gold SUV, dresses as sharply as any Madison Avenue executive and vacations in the United States. And despite winning U.S. citizenship, he has chosen to stay in Ghana.
Asmah belongs to an Africa all but unknown outside the continent -- one of growth and business opportunity, with a tiny but rapidly spreading middle class.
Fifty years after Ghana became the first African country to gain independence, Africa's economies are expanding by 5.4 percent a year -- compared to a world average of 4.2 percent -- and are projected to hit almost 7 percent next year. Investments are up. Banking firm Merrill Lynch & Co. concluded that Africa now offers investors as much potential as Russia.
These signs of economic hope come as the world is increasingly aware of its broader stake in Africa. Rich countries fear any disruption in the flow of resources out of Africa, which now rivals the Middle East in the quantity of oil it sends to the United States. Terrorism has revealed the danger of failed states, and hundreds of thousands of African immigrants flee to America, Europe and the Middle East every year.
The picture across the 48 countries of sub-Saharan Africa is still very much a patchwork. But a yearlong exploration by The Associated Press shows that progress -- while fragile -- is finding a foothold, in spheres ranging from democracy to education. Perhaps most strikingly, after few results from five decades of advice and $568 billion in aid, today's developments in business, education, government and other areas are being led by Africans themselves.
There is a new sense among many Africans that it is up to them to rethink their continent and challenge the West to do the same. The change shows up all over -- in newspaper editorials, in a regional partnership for African leadership, in the revamping of the African Union, in a newly aggressive stance for fairer terms in agricultural trade, and in the confidence of entrepreneurs like Asmah.
"The change of thinking has been coming from Africa," says economist George Ayittey, a Ghanaian teaching at American University in Washington, D.C. "Civil society in Africa is becoming more and more empowered and emboldened, and they are driving the agenda."
Signs of prosperity are everywhere in this country of about 23 million people on the west coast of Africa. New roads are choked with cars, construction cranes dominate the skyline, and shops brim with televisions, air conditioners and luxury goods. Real estate prices in the capital, Accra, rival those of an average American city, with a four-bedroom home in a nice area selling for over $500,000.
Asmah's office and printing press are located in a middle-class neighborhood of older homes converted for business.
Asmah, 42, was an artist in the Ministry of Education in 1993 when he first started selling graphic designs to friends. Soon he was ready to give up the secure government job, which for most of Africa's history was the hallmark of success.
He launched Type Company with money borrowed from family and friends. Business grew rapidly -- almost too rapidly. Type Company had to outsource printing to others in Ghana, and the quality fell.
So Asmah bought a state-of-the-art, custom-made printing press and other equipment from Germany for more than $1 million. He diversified into security printing for banks, colorful packaging for local products and annual reports for dozens of businesses, which, like his, are homegrown and growing.
"Once you have a solution to someone else's problem, you have a business," says Asmah, whose polished appearance and calm demeanor project the image he wants for his high-end designs, despite a cluttered office full of computers and printers. "There is a lot of opportunity, because here, there is not a lot that is done right." Things not done right trip up businesses like his. It took five years to persuade a bank to help him lease $10,000 worth of equipment. Financing in Africa is hard to get, with high interest rates and stringent requirements. Government tariffs on paper and ink also drive up his costs, and he can't compete with preprinted imports because they are not taxed.
But Asmah says the odds of success in Africa are greater than anywhere else, including America.
Asmah is part of what economist Ayittey calls Africa's "cheetah generation" -- young entrepreneurs who are fast, smart, adaptable and ready to tackle Africa's problems. Eventually -- and it will take time -- he predicts the cheetahs could overtake the bureaucrats and dictators who blame Africa's problems on colonialism and don't address them.
It is already happening in Ghana. Democracy is strong, and the economy is growing by 6 percent a year. The World Bank recently praised Ghana as one of the leading business reformers in the world. Ghana's debt is down by more than two-thirds from its peak of $6 billion in 2001, and inflation is under control.
Economic stability in turn draws investment. Foreign investment in Africa rose to a record $39 billion in 2006 from $31 billion just a year earlier, only partly because of oil revenues.
"It's a young economy, and anyone who looks into that will see that Ghana is a safe terrain to be in," notes Asmah, who says his business exceeds $1 million a year in revenue and brings profits of 30 percent. "Returns on investment here are 20 percent higher than anywhere else."
Accra's first suburbs sprawl northward from the Atlantic Ocean, low-slung bungalows that stretch out on generous plots surrounded by high brick walls. Wide roads are laid out in a perfect grid. The neighborhood is in various stages of construction, but the shade trees around the more established homes hint at its future charm.
Mavis Boakye, 30, shares one of the new four-bedroom, cream-colored bungalows with her banker husband, her four-month-old son and her mother. Every workday morning, she climbs into a taxi for the 45-minute drive into her office in town.
Boakye is a department head at Type Company who supervises the digital graphic design team. The daughter of a poor civil servant laborer, she spent two years of mandatory government service producing drawings for Ministry of Health brochures. Afterward, she went straight to work because she could not afford university.
Now Type Company is paying $800 a month for her to go to university part-time, and she lives a solidly middle-class life. She and her husband watch Christian satellite television on a Sony Corp. home theater system. They shop at a new mall. They eat pizza at a South African fast food chain and belong to a middle class sometimes nicknamed "black diamonds."
"I am making three times or four times what my father was making, and sometimes he looks at me and marvels and says, `I am happy you are doing well in life,"' Boayke says.
Boayke is an example of how wealth from companies is slowly trickling down through communities in a part of the world where each worker supports six people on average.
In 2000, Africa's middle class of 12.7 million people made up just 2 percent of the population, according to the World Bank. By 2030, it is expected to more than triple to 43 million, or 4 percent of the population.
However, Africa remains overwhelmingly poor. Ten percent of the world's poor people now live in Africa, and that is expected to rise to 13 percent in the next 25 years.
The best hope for the poor could be private enterprise, which creates 90 percent of the jobs in developing countries. But business is dragged down by a lack of education, unreliable power, bad roads, disease and a long list of other problems.
Choking bureaucracy means that it takes 95 days to start a business in Tanzania, 138 days in Ghana and 177 days in Chad. In Australia, it takes one day.
Recently, African countries have begun to cut business costs and red tape, according to the World Bank. Ghana lowered corporate taxes and slashed paperwork at customs. Tanzania has reduced the cost of starting a business by 40 percent. Kenya is simplifying its business licenses.
Boayke has been bitten by the entrepreneurial bug herself.
"The plan is that in three years, I will start something on my own," she says. "My husband wants me to start now because he thinks I will make more money, but I think I need to make more contacts before I start."
Near the port in Accra, the Ghanaian government has set up duty-free industrial zones to spur international trade. Hand-painted logos adorn the walls of the warehouse-style buildings, and their large wooden doors open off the loading docks. At lunchtime, women sell hot meals of beans and rice to workers in the shade of the eaves.
This is where Nora Bannerman's factory makes dresses and clothes sold in American department stores and lab coats worn by pharmacists at Walgreens and CVS in the United States.
Bannerman, who has made clothes since she was nine years old, is an icon in Ghana. She wears designer sunglasses, as she drives through town in her cobalt-blue Mercedes Benz. She will not reveal her age except to say she was born in the Gold Coast, Ghana's name before independence. Her fashion design school has trained more than 100 students, and many have since set up their own businesses.
Bannerman's story shows how globalization both helps and hurts Africans in their desire to move ahead.
Easier trade gives Africans access to millions of people with money to spend, and Bannerman's designs sell in the United States, France, Germany and Switzerland. But it also brings competition, especially from China, which plays a growing role in Africa.
China imports raw materials from all over Africa, such as Ghana's timber and minerals. In 2005 Ghana's trade with China increased 35 percent to $816 million, making China its top trading partner. And China is investing -- it loaned Ghana $30 million to build a national fiber optic network.
Yet China also floods the world with goods so cheap that Africans can't compete. Bannerman says Chinese companies mass-produce, without permission, her designs and traditional African fabrics at prices below her cost of production.
"China has been going all over Africa, picking out the good ideas," says Bannerman, sitting in her factory office. "While we were still doing high-value, hand-woven kente cloth, China came out with kente prints that are selling well to the United States."
Bannerman says her American buyers constantly pressure her to cut prices. But she won't and can't cut wages -- the U.S. African Growth and Opportunity Act requires African exporters to meet human rights standards that do not apply to China because of international trade rules.
Bannerman also has to pay high taxes on all imported cloth and thread that further raise her costs to export. And she competes within Africa against second-hand clothes from international donors that are not taxed.
She says all she and other African business people need to succeed is a fair playing field. "We don't want a situation where we are asking for aid all of the time," she says.
Africa has a long history of international trade. The 1st century gold coins of the royal families of Axum, in present-day Ethiopia, have been found as far away as India. Yet the continent today accounts for only 4 percent of global trade.
On the roads in almost every town, small-scale entrepreneurs balance on their heads everything from vegetables and ice cream to DVD players and television aerials as they sell to drivers stuck in traffic. But most of those goods come from overseas -- $273 million left the continent in 2005.
Capital inflow to some African countries, including Ghana, is now rising. And so is hope.
This year's study by the Pew Global Attitudes Project found that despite crushing poverty, majorities in nine out of 10 African countries surveyed believe their lives will be better five years from now. Surveys in 12 African countries from 1999 to 2006 by the Afrobarometer Network, an independent research group, also found growing optimism.
Asmah says Africans can and will work hard to succeed, and he is trying to spread the wealth in his country.
He supports a business plan competition that gives advice to 60 promising entrepreneurs and helps them build contacts, in partnership with business promoter TechnoServe and Google.org, the Internet company's philanthropic arm. The top 20 winners get a jump start in their new enterprise.
The name of the competition: "Believe, Begin, Become."

Forever Indebted?

By Brendan O'Neill Bob Geldof called it a "victory for millions of Africans". Newspaper editorials said it would go down in history as a "great day". But what has writing off $72 billion worth of debt done for those who live in the poorest countries? When the G8 summit at Gleneagles, Scotland, in July last year cancelled the debt of 18 of the poorest countries in the world - 14 of them in Africa - many raised a glass in celebration. The historic decision came hot on the heels of the Live 8 concerts, when the great and the good of pop, rock and rap played live around the world to put pressure on the G8 leaders to "Make Poverty History". Then there was the loud and colourful march on Gleneagles, organised by Geldof, with protesters waving banners that demanded "Action on poverty now!" Andrew says people are still poor Feeling the heat of public demand, backed up by the pop world's anti-poverty soundtrack, the leaders of the eight wealthiest nations on earth announced on 8 July that debts amounting to $72 billion would be written off. The G8 leaders also agreed to boost aid to developing countries by $50 billion. Special Report: Africa After the Promises So how is debt relief working out for those who live in the poorest countries? Do they feel like they have won a "victory"? "Not at all, we're still poor and we still have to do what the international institutions tell us to do," says DeRoy Kwesi Andrew, a science teacher and filmmaker from Accra in Ghana. Mr Andrew has spent the past year working on a documentary called Damned by Debt Relief, in association with the London-based youth education charity WorldWrite. Over the next month he will be touring the film around Britain. Damned Pre-Gleneagles, Ghana had been in debt to the tune of $6 billion to institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The pressure on such a poor country to pay back so much money was seriously stifling development. At Gleneagles, Ghana had a huge chunk of its debt - $4.2 billion - written off forever. Surely that is a good thing? Andrew says it "sounds good" but the reality is rather different. Debt relief only focuses on "fixing the problems of the past", rather than investing in a better future, he says. Great and good of pop sang at Live 8 "Debt relief gives poor countries no real new money or resources. All those billions of dollars in debt relief - it sounds like a lot, but it will be paid by G8 governments into the vaults of the World Bank and others over the next few years. We won't see it. "What happened, in real terms, is that the leaders of G8 helped out their friends in the international banks. I didn't benefit. My friends and family in Ghana didn't benefit." Mr Andrew knows only too well the hardships of poverty. He grew up in Yiwabra, a village in the Aowin Suaman district in the Western Region of Ghana. His parents were peasant cocoa farmers who walked five miles to work each morning and used axes, hoes and machetes to farm the land. "You should see what it did to them", he says. "They became old, injured, tired." His family of six lived in a "mud house, roofed with thatches", which was not connected to any electricity grid. "We used candles and cooked by fire." Drudgery It was only because Mr Andrew did well at local schools that he managed to get to Accra - "a city full of the colours of life, but also full of drudgery and stress", he says. His family still farms cocoa. Andrew says people in Ghana want real, meaningful development. "We want houses made from cement with zinc roofing. Then they won't collapse in the heavy rains, which can kill people. We want combine harvesters so we don't have to bend down with cutlasses to do the farming. We want everything you have." Yet the debt relief programme signed off at Gleneagles comes with strict conditions that deny Ghanaians the right to decide how to develop, he says. No country in the West would accept that another country should be determining its priorities and how it spends its money Kwesi Pratt Jnr Journalist For example, as part of the deal to have its debt written off Ghana is forbidden from investing in the productive base of its economy; instead it must implement small-scale "poverty reduction" measures that only help people "in incremental ways", says Mr Andrew. In his film, various Ghanaian academics, journalists, activists and workers give their views on debt relief. Kwesi Pratt Jnr, an investigative journalist in Accra, says in the film that G8 is effectively telling Ghana "how to invest". "No country in the West would accept that another country should be determining its priorities and how it spends its money. It is arrogant and insulting", he says. 'Scandal' A spokesperson for Oxfam counters that the cancellation of 100% of some countries' debts was a "positive first step". "On the issue of trade, Gleneagles failed abysmally," he says. "On aid we got part of what we asked for, but the cancellation of debt relief was the one really big leap that occurred." Caroline Pearce, policy coordinator for the Jubilee Debt Campaign (JDC), also argues that complete debt relief for some countries can only be a good thing. JDC has been at the forefront of recent efforts to cancel what it calls the "scandal" of debt in developing countries, where "the world's most impoverished countries are forced to pay over $100 million every day to the rich world in debt repayments, while poverty kills millions of their people". Ghanian Kofi Annan meets his countrymen JDC started life as the Jubilee 2000 campaign in the 1990s, when it gathered a whopping 24 million signatures on a petition calling for debt cancellation - the largest ever petition. "People are really exercised by this issue, and that showed last year in the run-up to Gleneagles", says Ms Pearce. Yet she is also concerned about the conditions attached to the post-Gleneagles debt relief programmes. "No one claims debt relief is the solution, but it is a start," she says. "On its own it doesn't address the broader relations of economic injustice between the North and South. "We are worried about the conditions attached to debt relief, which is why our latest campaign is called 'Cut the Strings'. We don't want any strings attached to writing off unjust debts. "It is completely undemocratic for international financial institutions to tell poor countries how to spend their money. We should give Africa the room to be what it wants to be."

 

 

 

Posted by: Yaw A. Owusu

 

So, where is the cocaine? - MP asks

Opposition National Democratic Congress MP’s are asking government and the Interior ministry where the missing cocaine that the Justice Georgina Woode Committee was tasked to find is.

Minority Spokesman Haruna Iddrisu who is also a private legal practitioner told the dailyEXPRESS that the committee’s report and the Interior minister’s statements have only concluded that “ultimately, the whole investigation was a huge failure because the major term of reference was to determine the whereabouts of the missing cocaine.”

The Georgina Woode fact finding committee in its report stated that it was unable to determine the whereabouts of what it says were 76 sacks of cocaine removed from the MV Benjamin. It went further to indict one D/Sgt Samuel Amoah whose corrupt and unpatriotic actions led to Asem Darkei Sheriff absconding and the non retrieval of the cocaine.

That explanation is however not enough for the NDC because according to Mr. Iddrisu, “we do not know the whereabouts of the 76 parcels… it means that the mystery of the missing cocaine has not been unraveled, its whereabouts has not been determined and I think that it only calls for a re-opening of investigations into the same matter.” Haruna Iddrisu is also raising questions relating to the powers of the Committee and the recommendations it made.

“The committee certainly is a ministerial fact-finding committee and had no powers and no mandate whatsoever to determine issues of law; so it should restrict itself. The same committee that we are told publicly by the chairperson and also by the Attorney General as lacking a power of subpoena, has no power of arrest... so one will wonder where it has gotten powers to recommend people for prosecution.”

Interior minister Albert Kan Dapaah supported by Attorney General Joe Ghartey told the press last Friday that some of the Woode committee’s recommendations have been accepted, including the prosecution of police operations chief ACP Kofi Boakye and some others.

The ministry however thought it wise to refer other recommendations relating to the Inspector General of Police and others to ‘government.’ According to Mr. Iddrisu who is also the National Youth Organizer some of the recommendations are quite intriguing, making it difficult to “decipher what was the minister’s wishes and opinions and that of government because on two occasions he said he was referring certain matters to government. So that raises doubts as to the capacity in which he was speaking and for whom he was speaking.”

The NDC also says, it appears government or the ministry itself doubted the committee’s work, because in the specific case of Grace Asibi, Rojo Mettle Nunoo and Rosita Dosoo, the ministry is taking a different position and action contrary to the position of the committee. “You remember that even in the case of Rojo, Grace Asibi, and the secretary to the Vasquez, Hon. Dapaah may be going as well with the wishes of the president with his reckless remarks which already we thought would prejudice the work of the committee. The committee didn’t allow itself to be prejudiced or influenced but yet his minister is still deeming it necessary and fit that the wishes of the president or his thinking must be observed. Because quite clearly the committee did not indict them so why would you go ahead and indict them?”

Question: With reference to the IGP and the former officials of the Narcotics Control Board, don’t you think he was speaking as an appointee who has no power whatsoever to determine the status of another appointee; and so it would be appropriate to refer them to their appointing authority who is the president?

But he too was speaking on behalf of his appointer; so what are you talking about? You don’t tell us I am referring certain matters to government, no. He was speaking on behalf of government as a minister of the government. And then also we are told that, and this is also very important; we are told that the famous “Kofi Boakye Tape” is credible, therefore several other names were mentioned and several other information was given. That should give us very good clue and very good links. So we cannot see why they would narrow themselves only to some aspects and leave out other aspects. And even many of those other people did not appear before the committee, did not give testimonies, but they themselves are relying on its credibility and we think that they must be encouraged to do more. That is why we are saying that government must re-open an investigation; a bi-partisan parliamentary investigations into the narcotic drugs scandal. We need to establish once and for all the source of the 77 missing parcels. We are not necessarily interested in who you prosecute but where is the cocaine? That is the fundamental question. Where is the missing cocaine?

Source: dailyExpress

 

Posted by: 

Yaw A. Owusu

Zimbabweans Opt for Virtual Weddings

 

By Steve Vickers BBC News, Harare

Zimbabwe's traditional weddings, usually joyous occasions with singing, dancing and plenty of food, are now increasingly being held in the absence of those whose presence might be considered vital - the bride and groom.

Nokuthula and Timothy are one such couple who have not joined their relatives in Harare to tuck into chicken and rice, beef and sadza (maize meal) as they live thousands of miles away in the UK.

Like millions of other Zimbabweans, they have left their homeland to seek better-paying jobs.

When they met abroad, they decided that they were made for each other, but wanted a traditional ceremony to be held back home where lobola or bride price is paid.  

For many such couples, it does not make economic sense to fly back to Zimbabwe for a few days just for the wedding.

For the many Zimbabweans who have overstayed their visas, going back home is impossible, as they would not then be allowed to return to wherever they have found their jobs.

So Timothy and Nokuthula organised the event from London and sent home the money that was needed.

'Really happy'

Nokuthula's mother wished her daughter was with her on such a special day, but she is pleased for her, nonetheless.

"I'm really really happy. I wish I could give her a hug. She has respected our culture even though she's living outside Zimbabwe," she said.

It does satisfy minimum requirements, because in the actual process of paying lobola, the couple does not play a major role Cultural analyst Stephen Chifunyise

"And she does have a better life than if she was still staying here in Zimbabwe."

Timothy's father also believes that things will be better in the UK for his son and his daughter-in-law who he has never met.

"I am very very happy. I just want them to build a nice home here - to have some properties in Zimbabwe," he says.

"Because home is the best - and one day we'll meet."

While the ceremony and celebrations were taking place in Harare, Nokuthula and Timothy were at work in London.

When they got home they phoned to find out how things had gone.

But their absence did mean that there were some important traditions that could not be carried out.

Expensive negotiations

A day or two after lobola has been paid the bride is supposed to be covered in a white sheet and taken by her aunts to join her husband and in-laws at their homestead, where she carries out household duties.

However, playwright and cultural analyst Stephen Chifunyise feels that that these marriages are culturally acceptable.

"It does satisfy minimum requirements, because in the actual process of paying lobola, the couple does not play a major role," he says, explaining that everybody appreciates the reason they are out of the country.

"I've been at one negotiation [for lobola] where the go-between would go outside to ring England and then come back in to negotiate, which is expensive," he says.

"But we're actually delighted with it because what it has shown is that irrespective of whether Zimbabweans are in the country or outside the country they adhere to the traditions very strongly.

"And it also shows that we've been able to marry technology and tradition adequately."

When these traditions started centuries ago, no-one could have imagined that a wedding could take place in the absence of the happy couple

But with millions of Zimbabweans now building their lives in foreign countries, the phenomenon of these virtual weddings looks set to continue.

Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/5371704.stm

Published: 2006/09/25 07:33:52 GMT

© BBC MMVI

Asantehene Is Angry

Asantehene Is Angry

Kumasi, 27 Sept. 2006 (Ghanaian Times) -- The Asantehene, Otumfuo Osei Tutu II, has condemned attempts by some people to link him with the cocaine scandal.

He has therefore, cautioned journalists, politicians and social commentators to desist from hiding behind democracy and the freedom of speech to persistently use the airwaves to question why the Justice Georgina Wood Committee did not invite him over the issue.

The Asantehene made the comments at a meeting with the Asanteman Council at Manhyia here on Monday, after a 10-day visit to Libya.

He questioned the basis for people trying to drag him into a crime for which he maintained innocence. "What country are we building where there is no respect for authority and the elderly?" he asked. Otumfuo Osei Tutu said that for some time now, he had been patiently taking the vilification but "the time has come for me to bite if such comments on radio and television continue."

He described the situation as an anti-Ashanti hate campaign which must be resisted.

He questioned the silence of the various paramount chiefs and other people in his jurisdiction over the adverse comments being made against Manhyia, especially in connection with the cocaine scandal.

He deplored the tribalistic tendencies taking over the Ghanaian society, with Ashantis as the main target. Making reference to past comments that an Ashanti could never become a President in Ghana, the Asantehene urged his people to shun politicians who are bent on sowing seeds of confusion in Asanteman, regardless of their political affiliation.

of confusion in Asanteman, regardless of their political affiliation.

He told the chiefs that he is monitoring them and if it is discovered that any of them is in league with politicians to bring the name of Manhyia into disrepute, that chief would have himself to blame.

Otumfuo briefed the council on his trip to Libya, announcing that Libya had decided to support Ghana to go into the mass cultivation of yellow maize for export. He advised the chiefs to make lands available so that Ashanti Region could take full advantage of the project to bring employment to the youth.

Source: Ghanaian Times

 

Mission Statement of the Council of Ghanaians

It is the mission of the Council of Ghanaians to promote and foster cooperation among the various clubs and all individuals of Ghanaian origin, especially on matters that require the broader involvement of all those of Ghanaian origin in the community. To this end, the Council shall seek to engage in the following types of activities:


· The Council shall promote activities to foster camaraderie, cooperation and network among Ghanaians

· In collaboration with individuals and the various clubs, the Council shall promote activities of common interest that bridge across the general community, e.g. Independence Day celebration, coordination of meetings with invited VIP guests from Ghana (or elsewhere) seeking to reach the broader Ghanaian community.

· In times of loss of a Ghanaian or family members living in our area, the Council, if invited, shall work with the family of the deceased and concerned individuals, as requested.

· The Council shall not engage in activities such as Christmas and New Year’s Eve parties normally organized by various Ghanaian clubs and that may tend to be in competition with activities of the various clubs, or individual family members.

· The Council shall encourage and support various organizations to provide mentoring, including career development counseling.

Administration:

· Council administration shall be handled by a group of volunteers.

· The Council shall meet two times a year or as deemed necessary

For information, please call any of the following:

Dr. Ago B. Ahene: (510) 429-1366
Mr. Atta Boakye-Yiadom: (510) 669-9214
Mr. Dela Acolatse (510) 440-9341
Mr. Jonathan Okorley: (925) 754-2401
Dr. Joseph Adwere-Boamah: (510) 524.8053
Mr. Kofi Baah-Arhin: (510) 669-0910
Mr. Kojo Nketiah: (510) 262-9084
Mr. Kwadwo Poku (925) 778-0411
Mr. Kwadwo Adutwum (510) 895-2038
Mr. Kwaku Danso (510) 494-8300
Mr. Kwaku Ohemeng (650) 359-5234
Mr. Nana Addo-Bediako (209) 830-6425
Mr. Nana Boakye Danquah (510) 352-3562
Mr. Nii Oblie Ardayfio (510) 384-9532
Rev Noah Ampofo (510) 290-6831
Pastor Takyi Dwumfuoh: (510) 595-7630.
Mr. Yaw A Owusu: (510) 471-6993